In urban environments, individuals who Beg For Money, often referred to as panhandlers, are a common sight. There are varying perspectives on why people beg for money. Some believe it’s a result of societal safety nets failing, leaving individuals with no other option. Others suggest that begging for money can be a lucrative activity, with earnings primarily spent on addictions. This raises a critical question: is giving money to someone who begs beneficial or potentially harmful? The income derived from begging for money could have significant health implications. Increased income generally correlates with better health outcomes, and if earnings from begging for money were used for necessities like food and housing, it could be seen as positive. Conversely, if this income fuels substance abuse, it could have detrimental health effects.
Sociological studies have explored the phenomenon of begging for money. However, there’s a lack of concrete data regarding the actual income and spending habits of those who beg for money. While characteristics of the homeless population have been documented, these findings may not be directly applicable to panhandlers. Not all homeless individuals beg, and those who do might represent a specific subset of the homeless population. To address this information gap, a survey was conducted in Toronto to investigate the demographic profiles, income from begging for money and other sources, spending patterns, and attitudes of panhandlers towards their situation.
This research specifically defined panhandlers as individuals actively soliciting monetary donations from passersby for their personal use, without offering any goods or services in return. This definition excluded individuals engaged in busking (street performing), selling newspapers, or offering services like cleaning car windows. The study took place between February and April 2001 in a 6-km2 area of downtown Toronto, encompassing major streets and subway stations during late afternoons. A systematic search and visual screening process was implemented to avoid counting the same individuals multiple times.
To ensure a high participation rate, panhandlers were offered a fixed sum of money in exchange for their time. The payment amount was non-negotiable, participants were not allowed to beg for money during the 20-minute interview, and bargaining for higher payments was not permitted. Researchers tested different reimbursement amounts ($10, $1, $4, $5, $7, and $8) to determine the lowest payment that would still encourage participation. The hypothesis was that a panhandler’s willingness to accept a certain payment level would roughly reflect their estimated earnings from begging for money during a similar 20-minute period.
The comprehensive survey consisted of 90 questions, covering demographic information and substance use primarily through closed-ended questions (as detailed in Tables 1 and 2). Participants were asked to report their monthly income from nine different sources and their spending across 15 categories. They were also asked about their feelings towards begging for money (“Do you enjoy panhandling?”) and their job preferences (“Which would you prefer: a minimum-wage job ($6.85 per hour) or panhandling?”). The study received ethical approval from the St. Michael’s Hospital Research Ethics Board in Toronto.
Demographic characteristics of the 54 panhandlers interviewed in Toronto.
Out of 67 panhandlers approached, a significant majority, 54 individuals (81%), agreed to participate in the survey. Thirteen declined, with 8 stating they could earn more money by continuing to beg for money, and 5 citing non-economic reasons. When excluding those who declined for non-economic reasons, the acceptance rates varied by payment level: 43% at $1, 100% at $4, 67% at $5, 100% at $7, 91% at $8, and 90% at $10. Three participants chose not to disclose information about their income or spending habits.
When asked about their feelings towards begging for money, 23 participants (43%) expressed positive sentiments, often citing the social interaction and opportunity to “meet people.” Conversely, 26 (48%) reported negative feelings, frequently describing begging for money as “degrading,” while 5 (9%) were undecided. Despite these mixed feelings about begging for money, a substantial 38 participants (70%) indicated they would prefer a minimum-wage job, typically expressing a desire for “steady income” or to “get off the street.” However, many felt that factors like mental illness, physical disabilities, or lack of job skills hindered their ability to secure and maintain conventional employment.
The Toronto panhandlers surveyed reported a median monthly income of $300 specifically from begging for money, and a median total monthly income from all sources of $638 (as shown in Table 3). The amount of money panhandlers were willing to accept for the 20-minute survey was generally consistent with their own estimates of what they could earn from begging for money in the same timeframe. This suggests that, contrary to some perceptions, very few panhandlers are high-earners. Food was identified as the largest expense category, followed by tobacco, and then alcohol and/or illicit drugs. These findings contrast sharply with anecdotal accounts, such as those from a journalist who spent time begging for money on the streets of Toronto. This journalist claimed panhandlers could earn over $200 daily, spending almost all of it on addictions with minimal spending on food. The discrepancy could be partly explained by the fact that high-earning panhandlers might have been less inclined to participate in the survey, and such individuals may have disproportionately influenced the journalist’s observations. The survey results are likely more representative of the typical income and spending patterns of the majority of individuals who beg for money.
Monthly income and expenditure reported by panhandlers in Toronto.
In conclusion, the study reveals that the majority of individuals who beg for money in Toronto are indeed homeless and living in conditions of extreme poverty. While spending on alcohol and illicit drugs is significant, it is not as disproportionately high as some reports suggest. The potential health consequences of losing income from begging for money are complex. Panhandlers might be forced to reduce their food intake, cut down on substance use, or seek alternative income sources. Crucially, for the approximately 25% of panhandlers who rent accommodation, any income loss, including that from begging for money, could very quickly lead to homelessness. Future research on individuals who beg for money should aim to objectively verify income and spending patterns and explore how these factors vary based on gender, housing situation, and health status.
